The tragedy of the Naga political movement has been the annihilation of Nagas by Nagas themselves. Nagas have remained divided along various lines. Radicals and moderates (from killing of Theyieu Sakhrie to that of Kaito Sema) among the insurrectionists themselves. Undergrounds and overgrounds (from killing of Imkongliba Ao to that of the Kevichusa brothers). And somewhere complicating all these delicate equations and rendering all calculations awry are the perennial inter-tribe schisms. And politicians exploiting all these to the hilt, giving all killings a tribal hue. The blight continues.

The killing of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland general secretary Dali Mungro by rival National Socialist Council of Nagalim cadres is more than a personal tragedy for his wife Thokuli. It signals the elevation of the pyrrhic war between the two organisations to a new plane. Till now, only lower levels cadres were falling to the each others' bullets. With the assassination of the Prime Minister of the former, the latter has ensured that the circle has come full after 11 years. It all began with the abortive bid on the life of the then general secretary of the undivided NSCN - Thuingaleng Muivah.

Speculation over unity bids suffering a jolt in the process do not cut much ice. Anyone imagining Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah shaking hands with Shang Nu Shangwang Khaplang and merging into one organisation would actually be stretching their imagination a bit too far. Swu-Muivah and Khaplang did not part ways over ideological differences. These are points that can be thrashed over the table. The parting of ways, in case someone needs to be reminded, was essentially bloody. To expect Swu-Muivah to forget the 1988 massacre of over 100 of their men would be asking them of too much. One cannot expect Khaplang to come back to the other two either. For pretty much the same reason.

Unity measures had never taken off in the first place. Appeals from the Naga Hoho, the Church and other non-governmental organisations about ending fratricidal clashes were heeded only in name. These internecine killings have never stopped - there is too much hatred involved for either to stop gunning for the other. During the heady insurgency days, keeping track of the headcount in the inter-NSCN battle was difficult. It became easier after the ceasefire agreement between the Indian government and Swu-Muivah in August 1997. More than 200 people were said to have died in clashes in the first three months alone.

It was the Swu-Muivah group which, understandably, maintained a hardline approach on unity moves. They denied the existence of the Khaplang faction and insisted that their's was the real NSCN and that no factions existed. Their decision during their meeting with various sections of the Naga society in Niuland in April-May to grant a general amnesty for 45 days to other outfits had an objective. It was meant to wean away fencesitters from the Khaplang fold. The latter has been suffering a slow, but steady erosion in its ranks for the last two-three years.

Now, the Khaplang faction is overshadowed by the Swu-Muivah group throughout Nagaland state except Mon and parts of Tuensang district. On part of the latter, it has been their misfortune that the Konyak tribe (the largest tribe among the Nagas) is almost unrepresented in their organisation. Not without reason - they have stayed with Khaplang since the NSCN split. And this, despite the fact that Khaplang is from the other side of the border - Burma. Khaplang's credibility lies here - he is from a community which is split across the borders of two nations.

His Burmese origins have come in handy on other counts too. Khaplang was able to maintain the old camps the NSCN had. He did not make any claims on the Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur and Assam. Hence, the powerful Manipuri organisations like the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and the Revolutionary People's Front (RPF) did not detest him the way they are dead against the Swu-Muivah NSCN. Mungro's killing has been condemned in strong terms by these Manipuri organisations. The show of solidarity has also come from the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the Tripura People's Democratic Front (TPDF).

The battlelines are getting drawn slowly, but surely. Tempers have been simmering for more than two years now. Everyone knows who is on whose side. More of those who are not with the Khaplang side, are with Swu-Muivah and company. All the situation needs (or rather, it doesn't) is its ignition by a Neroesque politician looking to make hay while the Northeast burns.