Kargil seems to have delivered the quietus to the other gang of "freedom fighters" in the east. After the publication of pro-Pakistan propaganda in its organisational mouthpiece, the United Liberation Front of Asom's (ULFA) claim to legitimacy looks as hollow as that of the mujahideen. Both are exposed for what they are: small bands of people who cannot find gainful employment and must depend on the munificence of the Pakistani establishment for survival. Survival at the expense of the very masses whose cause they are supposed to be championing. Also exposed is the arrant hypocrisy of the ULFA. It arranged the cold-blooded liquidation of Assamese troops taking the train to Kargil from New Jalpaiguri station. Having masterminded a few cases of martyrdom itself, it then published paeans to the Assamese martyrs of Kargil. What a sad end for the champions of Assam to come to! But then, it was only to be expected, given that the Assamese movement was started on university campuses by indifferent students who could see few employment opportunities for themselves and felt the sudden urge for pocket money.

The ULFA movement started off on the wrong foot. It was supposed to advance Assamese interests, yet it depended heavily on extortion for funds. This implied attacks on oil and tea interests - the two leading industries in the state - and the regular milking of the business community. This was bound to lead to pointless violence (the killing of Swraj Paul's brother, for instance) and panic reactions from the government (such as the evacuation of Doom Dooma). In either case, the result had to be a slowdown in business and a withdrawal of capital from the state. It was only a matter of time before the middle class of Assam, who have the most to lose from a general slowdown, rebelled against the ULFA. Only two facilitating conditions would be required: curbs on ULFA activities and clear evidence that the organisation's objectives are repugnant. Operation rhino provided the former condition, ULFA itself the latter. The people of Assam, the most populous state in the Northeast, have never been alienated from the mainstream to the same extent as some other subnationalities of the region. At a time when the entire national will was focused on Kargil, there was no way the ULFA could keep the people away from any Army recruitment drive in Assam. The fact it tried only shows the extent to which it is out of touch with reality.

The time is ripe to end the insurgency in Assam. The credibility of the ULFA is in a shambles. In the international space, its paymasters are about as popular as Osama bin-Laden. The continuing efforts of Operation Rhino have severely limited its mobility in India. Bhutan, its unwilling (and interim) host, is eager to see the ULFA cadres march out of its territory, bearing their goods and chattels. Beset from all sides and denied the local support on which it has always depended, the ULFA is in no condition to offer armed resistance to the Army. It only remains to the ULFA to appreciate this fact. Its refusal of the Army' offer for a ceasefire on the festival of Bihu indicates that it is yet to wake up to reality. What it now needs is a gentle shake, followed by an offer of `terms. (Editorial; The Indian Express; New Delhi; July 20, 1999)

About a decade ago the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) appeared to be a formidable organisation both in terms of its fire power and popular support. It is not that the Assamese people agreed with ULFA's rhetoric of "Swadhin Asom" but such was the sense of neglect and alienation among them that ULFA's battlecry against the Centre struck a sympathetic chord. The ULFA's leaders fully exploited such sentiments, but their campaign of mindless violence and politics of extortion soon exposed their real aim. The people got fed up with endless bands and road blockades. Whatever little sympathy the outfit had among sections of people seems to have evaporated following its stand that the Pakistan-backed intruders in Kargil were "freedom fighters". The people of Assam are aware of ULFA's links with Pakistan's ISI. However, when Anup Chetia wrote from a Bangladesh prison in the outfit's mouthpiece Swadhinata that the people of Assam will "win independence through war" and that the "golden dawn of freedom was awaiting them", then they saw through ULFA's anti-national gameplan.

The Kargil crisis has demolished the fiction that the people were with ULFA and other militant groups in Assam. The overwhelming response to the Kargil crisis and the sense of pride among the people for the martyrs of Assam have further demonstrated how the State is very much a part of the national mainstream. Historically, culturally and emotionally Assam's integration with the Indian nation has never been questionable. ULFA has lost its appeal for a variety of reasons. People tend to see the group as extortionist which has bled the tea and other industries white. Besides, while it talks of Assam's economic interests, by targeting oil pipelines, the extremists have sought to cripple the economy. ULFA has lost touch with reality and its ideological claims sound hollow. The government should capitalise on the sense of revulsion against ULFA's links with Pakistan as also against its terror tactics and deal firmly with the outfit. (Editorial; The Hindustan Times; New Delhi; July 22, 1999)

GUWAHATI, July 21: Paresh Barua, the commander-in-chief of the armed wing of the banned Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), is keen to return to normal life, according to reliable sources within the security apparatus here. They informed that Barua had established contacts with security forces and demanded "political rehabilitation" in exchange for his surrender. Barua has also established contact with GK Pillai, joint secretary, Union ministry of home affairs, the sources said, adding that the ULFA leader had already shifted base from Bangladesh to Myanmar. "All we can tell you at present is that he is certainly not living in the jungles of Myanmar," a source said. The ULFA is divided into three factions: One led by Paresh Barua, the other by ULFA chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa, and the third "killer group" led by Raju Barua, the sources said. Paresh Barua and Arabinda Rajkhowa have fallen foul of each other and are unable to team up against the Raju Barua group, the sources claimed. The sources said that Paresh Barua's resentment towards Raju Baruah has resulted in the latter not being elevated to the post of deputy commander-in-chief. The post has been lying vacant for several years now. Barua, the sources said, has been advised to lead his loyal cadres overground. Barua's personal bodyguard Barma Datta surrendered on July 13 before PK Nayar, superintendent of police, Sibsagar district. Taking his cue from Datta another senior ULFA cadre, Akash Bora, surrendered on July 17 before Nayar. Akash Bora even presented a letter to Nayar,. Accusing the ULFA of becoming pawns in the hands of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan and indulging in largescale extortion under the guise of demands for sovereignty and independence. This has come as a shot in the arm for the security forces. They believe that a major setback to the militant outfit is imminent. The ULFA has been a thorn in the flesh of both the Centre and the state government. The present disclosure comes close on the heels of Pillai's departure to Delhi after attending a two-day meeting of the directors-general of police of the seven states of the Northeast. Pillai had advised the DGP's to evolve a pro-active strategy to combat insurgent groups on the region. The meeting was also attended by local heads of central police organisations, Army commanders, local heads of the Intelligence Bureau and the Research and Analysis Wing among others. (Darshan Balwally; The Hindustan Times; New Delhi; July 22, 1999)

KOHIMA, July 17: He's too told to walk five miles, up and down the mountain, so he stays at home. And the villagers come down, 85-year-old Pfulhousa can't believe it. They tell him stories of the funeral of his grandson Lt Neikezhakuo Kengrurusie, how thousands were there, including 29 Assam Rifles officers, all the way from Dimapur airport to Kohima and then to the family burial place at Pheza. His grandson dies hero in faraway Kargil. Nagaland hasn't seen anything like this since the death of its legendary leader Phizo in 1989....
.....The sense of pride also pervades villagers at Ancholi in Assam's Barpeta district. Like Pfulhousa, Bandhuram Das had seen Indian Army jawans raiding villages in his area in search of ULFA and Bodo militants. But when the 26 Madras Battalion officers and men carried the body of Bandhuram's only son Uddhab, a gunner in 197 Field Regiment, to the village, thousands of people from all around joined the grieving father in a collective show of pride and solidarity. (Ashis Chakrabarti; Indian Express; New Delhi; July 18, 1999)

HAILAKANDI, July 17 - A fear psychosis has gripped the people of the three districts of Barak Valley due to the spurt in the activities of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in the area. People fear that the ISI agents may strike in the valley in any time. The district administration of Karimganj has tightened vigil along the border with a view to stop the entry of ISI-supported infiltrators from Bangladesh. The district administration was alerted by intelligence agencies that ISI agents and supporters were active in the area. Infiltrators from Bangladesh have been changing the demographic set-up of the entire Barak Valley. Rickshaw-pullers from Bangladesh come to Karimganj every morning and return in the evening after earning their livelihood. The administration is allegedly giving shelter to these infiltrators at the indirect behest of political leaders as the latter see them as a votebank. (Correspondent; The Assam Tribune; Guwahati; July 18, 1999)

GUWAHATI, July 18: It wasn't just Bolin Mech or Saurav Kakati who revolted against the ULFA's support to Pakistan. When the outfit published two issues of its newsletter, Freedom, hailing the Kashmiri "freedom fighters" and thereby supporting Pakistan in the Kargil conflict, there was a condemnation in the Assamese press and among the common people. "Whatever little sympathy ULFA had among some sections of the Assamese was greatly reduced when it supported Pakistan," says Assam Sahitya Sabha president, Chandra Prasad Saikia. (Ashis Chakrabarti; The Indian Express; New Delhi; July 19, 1999)

GUWAHATI, July 20: Security agencies in the Northeast are on the alert for large numbers of fake currency notes being circulated - strongly believed to be the handiwork of the ISI of Pakistan. In the past few months, police in the region have seized a large number of fake notes from different towns, the biggest haul being reported from Aizawl, the capital of Mizoram. Last month, Aizawl police seized fake Rs 500 denomination currency notes totally Rs 86,500 from two persons arrested from a village on the Mizoram-Manipur border. (ENS, Indian Express; July 21, 1999)

PHUENTSHOLING, July 23: The Bhutan government has served an ultimatum on the ULFA and Bodo terrorists to leave the country or face eviction. Meanwhile, the government has decided to enforce a cut-off in supplies to the terrorists in camps. The terrorists sneaked into the dense forests in Bhutan on the Bhutan-India border in 1992 and established as many as 21 camps between Kalikhola and Daifam. The spurt in their activities in Bhutan was noticed following the pressure on the ULFA terrorists in Bangladesh by the Bangladesh government a few years ago. The home minister of Bhutan Thinley Gyamtsho admitted that two rounds of talks with the ULFA were held. The first was held on November 20 last year, in which Bhutan conveyed its concern to the terrorists camping in Bhutan. The ULFA had sent a middle-level leader. The Bhutan government also made it clear that in future talks would be held only with top ULFA leaders. The second round of talks was held on May 7 this year. The Bhutan government asked the ULFA terrorists to relocate their camps and leave Bhutanese territory as early as possible. The ULFA terrorists offered to reduce the number of camps, minimise the number of activists in the camps, keeping the camps as mobile units, and move only at night, but pleading their inability to leave Bhutanese soil not before at least another year and a half. Both sides agreed to have another round of talks. (Anil Maheshwari; The Hindustan Times; New Delhi; July 24, 1999)

NEW DELHI, July 21: In a new twist to the ongoing stalemate over the Naga peace talks, the Union government on Wednesday sacked the Centre's chief interlocutor, Swaraj Kaushal, and appointed former Union home secretary, Padmanabhaiah, in his place. The former Union home secretary who is also the officer on special duty in-charge for Nagaland joined his new assignment on Wednesday itself, highly placed official sources confirmed. Contrary to belief, Swaraj Kaushal was not given the marching orders for the manner in which he handled the peace talks but he is believed to have fallen victim to political developments in neighbouring Haryana which he represented in the Upper House. The word is that Kaushal who is a Haryana Vikas Party (HVP) nominee fell from the grace of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government after he severed ties with Bansi Lal government early this month. The former Mizoram Governor and his wife and former Union minister Sushma Swaraj were too closely identified with the HVP for BJP's comfort. Sources revealed that late on Monday night the Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee convened a meeting attended by the Union home minister LK Advani, defence minister George Fernandes, and top government officials where Naga peace talk process was 'reviewed' and a decision taken to replace Swaraj Kaushal as the Union government's chief negotiator. Padmanabhaiah has been given the status of cabinet secretary and is expected to take on from where Swaraj left off. The issue that now required immediate attention of the government is extension of the ceasefire that expires on July 31, and the venue of the next round of talks between the government and the NSCN (I-M) leadership, sources said. According to sources, Padmanabhaiah on joining his new assignment reviewed the progress made so far with ministry of home affairs) officials and intelligence agencies. Sources here said the former home secretary is yet to establish contact with the Naga leaders though an official intimation is being sent. Sources also confirmed that there is no immediate plans to fly down Padmanabhaiah to abroad to formally meet the chairman and general secretary of NSCN, T Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu. Lately, the sharp differences of opinion between the Naga leaders and Union government had cropped up over the venue of next rounds of talks, with the Central government insisting that it be held in India. Kaushal had in fact flown down to Nagaland in June to talk with the NSCN leadership during their trip to the state to sort out the issue but the NSCN were adamant that negotiations be held in a third country. About the extension of the ceasefire, the two sides have broadly agreed not to opposed it and in all probability will be extended by another year, sources indicated. Swaraj Kaushal was appointed as the chief interlocutor by the BJP government soon after it came to power in 1998 to give the process a push. Kaushal who is well versed with the insurgency scenario in the Northeast partly because of handling of the Mizo talks that ultimately culminated in signing of the Mizo Accord that saw the then outlawed Mizo National Front joining the mainstream. Kaushal had held several rounds of negotiations, all of them abroad with the NSCN leadership and was in the process of sorting differences over the venue of the next round of talks when he was shown the door. (Kalyan Barooah; The Assam Tribune; Guwahati; July 22, 1999)

SHILLONG, July 21: The North Eastern Council (NEC) secretary, Takap Ringu, the seniormost IAS officer from the region, has been placed under suspension for alleged financial irregularities, highly placed official sources here disclosed on Wednesday. The sources, speaking on conditions of anonymity, said Ringu had been under investigation by the Union home ministry for quite some time for alleged involvement in financial irregularities in the now scrapped "Intensive cultivation/plantation scheme" launched in the NE region during the Ninth Plan with an outlay of Rs 7 crore. Outright grants were to be made to individual beneficiaries, cooperatives and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to promote horticultural activities specially coffee, rubber, tea and 'mankum' plantations in the region under the scheme. About Rs 1.4 crore was sanctioned for the first year of the Ninth Plan. Funds totalling around Rs 70 lakh were released when 'serious anomalies' were noticed in the implementation of the scheme. Unlike all other schemes under the NEC, the grants were disbursed directly by the NEC instead of routing it through the respective state governments in the region. It is alleged that a major chunk of the grants were made to beneficiaries in Arunachal Pradesh, the home state of Ringu. One beneficiary in Nagaland was sanctioned Rs 50 lakh, out of which Rs 25 lakh have already been released. Two other beneficiaries in Golaghat and Morigaon districts of Assam have received grants of Rs 7 lakh and Rs 2 lakh respectively. A departmental probe was instituted early last year and two officers in NEC, Jatin Dutta and V K Lyngdoh, were placed under suspension sometime in June 1998. The scheme was also kept in abeyance. When contacted, Ringu confirmed his suspension but said "it is 100 per cent injustice against me. I will challenge the order in the court of law". Incidentally, Ringu had sought voluntary retirement from service about three months back but his application was rejected. (Special correspondent; The Assam Tribune; Guwahati; July 22, 1999)